• Edmond Baudoin au pied des étoiles
    https://www.radiofrance.fr/franceculture/podcasts/les-midis-de-culture/edmond-baudoin-au-pied-des-etoiles-6868650

    Pionnier de l’autobiographie en bande dessinée, Edmond Baudoin poursuit une oeuvre nourrie par les voyages et les amitiés. L’album « Au pied des étoiles », qu’il signe avec Emmanuel Lepage, nous mène du Chili aux étoiles.

    Autour de la BD que j’ai beaucoup aimé :
    https://www.futuropolis.fr/9782754835657/au-pied-des-etoiles.html

    Un professeur de physique dans un lycée de Grenoble, José Olivares, avait un rêve : emmener ses élèves voir les étoiles dans le désert d’Atacama, au Chili. Là où se trouvent les plus grands observatoires sur terre. Il avait imaginé que deux auteurs de bande dessinée racontent en images cette expédition. Le voyage était prévu en avril 2020, mais rien ne s’est passé comme prévu. Alors que le monde est confiné pour cause de pandémie, on découvre chez Emmanuel Lepage une tumeur maligne. Plus question de partir.
    Un premier voyage aura finalement lieu en décembre 2021, sans les lycéens, faute d’argent, mais avec le professeur et les deux auteurs. C’est le moment de l’élection présidentielle au Chili, qui devra départager un candidat d’extrême droite et le jeune candidat de la gauche unie, Gabriel Boric. Dans cette effervescence du résultat de l’élection, où se joue l’avenir du Chili, les deux auteurs se mêlent au peuple qui afflue en masse vers la place d’Italie...

    Depuis ses débuts, l’aîné, Edmond Baudoin, s’est tourné vers une bande dessinée autobiographique, tandis que le cadet, Emmanuel Lepage, a choisi de s’exprimer dans la fiction, pendant vingt ans, avant de se permettre de dire « je » dans ses livres. Mais ce qui les réunit est bien plus fort que ce qui les sépare : le voyage d’abord, leur amour de l’art et du beau ensuite, leur engagement passionné pour l’humain enfin. Témoin, ce livre de non-fiction magnifique, singulier, foisonnant, riche de leurs échanges, écrit et dessiné à quatre mains. Il raconte leur voyage au Chili en décembre 2021, les étoiles du désert d’Atacama, le dessin, l’amour, les rencontres, la nécessité de transmettre, la beauté des êtres et des choses, et toujours, toujours, la vie.

    #bande_dessinée #BD #Edmond_Baudoin #Emmanuel_Lepage #étoiles #Chili #histoire #voyage #politique #audio #radio #France_Culture

  • Contribuez au futur court-métrage « Vélocio, pionnier du #voyage à #Vélo » !
    https://carfree.fr/index.php/2024/06/04/contribuez-au-futur-court-metrage-velocio-pionnier-du-voyage-a-velo

    Paul de Vivie (1853-1930) alias Vélocio, l’apôtre du #cyclotourisme, est né le 29 avril 1853 à Pernes-les-Fontaines. Il aurait donc 171 ans ! Trois amis passionnées de vélo, Claude Marthaler, Olivier Lire la suite...

    #Alternatives_à_la_voiture #cyclistes #documentaire #histoire #projets #Suisse

  • Lettre ouverte aux membres du Front populaire démocratique pour la libération de la Palestine (juin 1974)

    Le texte de la lettre ouverte a été publié en hébreu et en arabe dans le numéro 72 de Matzpen, décembre 1974. Il a été republié dans la brochure Matzpen en arabe « De notre lutte contre le sionisme et pour le socialisme », mars 1978, avec la préface suivante :

    Le 22 mars 1968, l’Organisation socialiste en Israël a affirmé dans une déclaration que « c’est à la fois le droit et le devoir de tout peuple conquis et soumis de résister et de lutter pour sa liberté. Les moyens et les méthodes nécessaires et appropriés à cette lutte doivent être déterminés par le peuple lui-même et il serait hypocrite que des étrangers – surtout s’ils appartiennent à la nation oppressive – lui fassent la leçon en lui disant : « Ainsi feras-tu et ainsi ne feras-tu pas ».

    C’était et cela reste notre position, mais notre organisation, qui comprend des Juifs et des Arabes, des membres du peuple oppresseur et du peuple opprimé, ne peut pas se considérer comme étrangère à la lutte des socialistes palestiniens qui rêvent de libération nationale et sociale.

    https://entreleslignesentrelesmots.wordpress.com/2024/06/03/lettre-ouverte-aux-membres-du-front-populaire-

    #histoire #palestine #israel

  • In guter Verfassung ?
    https://overton-magazin.de/hintergrund/politik/in-guter-verfassung

    Comment les élites réactionnaires ont privé le peuple allemand de son droit à une nouvelle constitution après la réunification.

    3.6.2024 von Daniela Dahn - In guter Verfassung zu sein, ist eine besondere Gunst. Das Grundgesetz ist eine ziemlich gute Verfassung. Man kann froh sein, es zu haben. Hatte ich mich angesichts der oft abweichenden Praxis zunächst als Verfassungspatriotin gesehen, hat die Einsicht in politischen Kontext später partielles Kontra bewirkt. Was ziemlich gut ist, könnte auch besser sein. Oder müsste sogar.

    Die als Provisorium für das westdeutsche Staatsfragment geplante Verfassung entstand unter Besatzungsrecht im Auftrag der westlichen Militärbehörden und trug von Anfang an deren Handschrift. Die sorgte dafür, dass das Fragment mit dem eigenen System kompatibel sein wird. Pannen wie im Dezember 1946 in der Landesverfassung Hessen sollten sich nicht wiederholen: nach Art. 41 sollte sofort nach Inkrafttreten die Großindustrie in Gemeineigentum überführt werden.
    Volkswille am Herrenchiemsee unterlaufen

    Wo immer zu diesem Ziel damals Volksabstimmungen möglich waren, bezeugten 70 bis 80 Prozent der Teilnehmer, dass dies die übergroße Lehre der Deutschen aus der NS-Zeit war. Vergesellschaftung sowie Demokratisierung und Planung der Wirtschaft war im November 1948 auch die Hauptforderung des größten deutschen Massenstreiks seit der Weltwirtschaftskrise Ende der 1920er Jahre. Der bizonale Gewerkschaftsrat hatte zu einem 24-stündigen Generalstreik gegen die restaurative Politik des Wirtschaftsrates und der Besatzungsmächte aufgerufen, an dem neun Millionen Arbeiter teilnahmen. Ein mutiger Widerstand, an den keinerlei Gedenkkultur erinnerte und der heute vergessen ist.

    Dieser Volkswille wurde acht Monate später beim Verfassungskonvent auf Herrenchiemsee gehorsam unterlaufen. Das politische Streikrecht kam nicht ins Grundgesetz und die sozialen UN-Menschenrechte blieben defizitär. Das sicher gut gemeinte Sozialstaatsprinzip ist bis heute unkonkret. Die in Art. 51 immerhin angebotene Option Gemeineigentum blieb ein leeres Versprechen, das bis heute durch Erlass blockierender Ausführungsgesetze kein einziges Mal in Anspruch genommen werden konnte. Auch weil der über viele Jahre gewachsene Wohlstand dafür angeblich keinen Grund mehr bot.

    Das änderte sich, als sich auf dem überstürzten Gang zur deutschen Einheit nicht nur die DDR-Bürgerbewegung für den Schutz des Volkseigentums einsetzte. Schon im November 1989 hatte die alte Volkskammer wesentliche Teile der DDR-Verfassung außer Kraft gesetzt. Die Regierung Modrow hatte Legitimität nur noch durch die am Runden Tisch verhandelnde „Regierung der nationalen Verantwortung“, die die neuen Bürgerrechtsgruppen einbezog. Bündnis 90 wollte die Einheit nicht so schnell wie möglich, sondern so gut wie möglich. Der Runde Tisch beauftragte Ost- und West- Experten eine Übergangsverfassung für die DDR zu entwerfen, die auch bei einer Vereinigung nach Art. 146 GG Beachtung finden würde.

    Angesichts der unsicheren Lage war Eile geboten – das einzig Beständige war die Zahl der Übersiedler aus der DDR, die durch Lockangebote aus dem Westen noch ermutigt wurden. Doch der Grundgesetzentwurf auf Herrenchiemsee ist auch in 13 Tagen verfasst worden. Am 4. April wurde der Verfassungsentwurf des Runden Tisches der neu gewählten Volkskammer übergeben.
    Kohls Versprechen, das er nie einzuhalten beabsichtigte

    Diese Volkskammer wird gewöhnlich mit der Zuschreibung: „erste frei gewählte“ geadelt. Doch Freiheit – an so viel sei im Kant-Jahr erinnert – hat neben der formalen auch eine psychologische und eine praktische Dimension. Was ich in dem Buch „Tamtam und Tabu“ in detaillierter Analyse von wochenlanger Presseberichterstattung, Politiker-Äußerungen und Umfragen belege, muss hier zur These gerinnen: Das Wahlergebnis war einem Diktat aus bundesdeutschen Desinformationen, Zermürbung und Erpressung geschuldet. Noch vier Wochen vor der Märzwahl hatte die Ost-SPD auf Lafontaine-Linie in Umfragen die absolute Mehrheit. Auch Kanzler Kohls Versprechen der schnellen D-Mark hatte nicht den Umschwung gebracht.

    Erst die dreiste Behauptung von Kanzleramtschef Horst Teltschik vom 9. Februar, die DDR sei in wenigen Tagen zahlungsunfähig, der wirtschaftliche Kollaps stünde unmittelbar bevor, löste sofort Panik, Angstkampagnen und Hysterie aus. Die Stimmen westdeutscher Banker, wonach es sich um durchsichtige Gerüchte handele, kamen in den Medien kaum vor. Dafür druckte der Spiegel frei erfundene Modrow-Äußerungen, die den eingetretenen Bankrott belegen sollten. Ein Fake von vielen anderen. Helmut Kohl umgarnte die DDR-Wähler zwei Tage später im ZDF mit einem Versprechen, das einzuhalten er nie beabsichtigte: Man werde eine neue Verfassung schaffen, die Bewährtes von beiden Seiten übernimmt. „Es gibt auch Entwicklungen in der DDR in diesen 40 Jahren, die es sich lohnt anzusehen. Ich bin ganz und gar dagegen eine Position einzunehmen, die auf Anschluss hinausgeht.“

    Eine Woche vor der Wahl tagte die Führungsspitze von CDU/CSU schon besitzergreifend in der DDR und pries Art. 23 als einzigen Ausweg. Der Bayrische Ministerpräsident Max Streibl erpresste: die DDR bekäme nur Geld, wenn sie CSU-nahe Parteien wähle. Die Leute mussten glauben, sie könnten ihren Besitzstand nur wahren, wenn sie erst einmal die Kräfte des Geldes wählten.

    Weil es immer bestritten wird: Es ging der Mehrheit eben nicht darum, so schnell wie möglich im Status quo des Westens anzukommen. Bevor die „frei“ gewählte, CDU- geführte Volkskammer ihre Arbeit aufnahm, stellten die DDR-Bürger in einer repräsentativen Meinungsumfrage im April 1990 noch einmal klar, was nun deren Regierungsauftrag ist. Die Einheit stand nicht mehr zur Disposition. Aber um die 80 Prozent lehnten immer noch einen schnellen Beitritt ab. Beide Regierungen sollten gleichberechtigt auf das Wie der Einheit Einfluss nehmen. Sie wünschten, das Ergebnis durch eine Volksabstimmung zu überprüfen. Denn 68 Prozent wollten immer noch das Volkseigentum erhalten und daneben andere Formen zulassen.
    Bonner Ministerialbeamte wie uneinsichtige Kinder

    Der eigentliche Wunsch bestand bis zuletzt darin, Eigenes in die Einheit einzubringen. Der Entwurf des Runden Tisches war ein modernisiertes Grundgesetz. Die Präambel kam ohne Gott aus und beschrieb die deutsche Einheit als Teil der europäischen. Der Grundrechtekatalog war deutlich umfangreicher. Das auf Gemeinwohl orientierte Denken zeigte sich im Recht auf Arbeit und Wohnung. Frauen wurden bessergestellt, Benachteiligung wegen Alter, Behinderung oder sexueller Orientierung verboten. Der Schutz der Umwelt, einschließlich der Haftung für Schäden, war ein neuer Schwerpunkt. Die Bürger wurden besser in die Entscheidungsfindung einbezogen. Volksgesetzgebung griff den Demokratisierungsdruck der Wendezeit auf. Öffentliches und genossenschaftliches Eigentum wurde gefördert, eine Regelung zum Übergang von Volkseigentum ins Privatrecht gab es noch nicht, was eine Fehlstelle war. Alles in allem hätte diese Initiative die Aufmerksamkeit des Parlaments verdient.

    Der Jurist und Schriftsteller Bernhard Schlink, der an dem Entwurf beteiligt war, schilderte, wie die Bonner Ministerialbeamten darauf mit der gequälten Geduld, die uneinsichtigen Kindern gilt, reagierten und belehrten, das komme alles nicht in Frage. Und wie die neuen DDR-Verantwortlichen auf deren Linie schwenkten. Am 26. April 1990 beschloss die Volkskammer, den Entwurf nicht zur Beratung an den Verfassungsausschuss zu überweisen und stattdessen nach Art. 23 beizutreten. Der Bundestag in Bonn sah schon gar keinen Grund, sich mit neuen Ideen für künftige Gemeinsamkeit zu befassen. Damit war der Versuch gescheitert, den DDR-Unterhändlern für die bevorstehenden Verhandlungen zur Einheit eine verfassungsrechtliche Bindung mitzugeben, die sie vor Überrumpelung bewahrt. Auch formal frei Gewählte geben keine Garantie, nicht schwerwiegende Fehler zu machen.

    Doch die revolutionären Impulse hatten längst auch Teile der linksliberalen West-Elite ergriffen. Sie brachten den „gestreckten Art. 23“ ins Gespräch. Erst Beitritt, dann in Ruhe gemeinsame Verfassungsgebung. Wer erinnert sich noch? Im September 1990 hielt als erste gesamtdeutsche Bürgerinitiative das „Kuratorium für einen demokratisch verfassten Bund deutscher Länder“ in Weimar seinen Gründungskongress ab. 200 Juristen und Vertreter von Wissenschaft, Politik und Kultur griffen die Verfassung des Runden Tisches auf, um sie weiter zu entwickeln. Darunter Jürgen Habermas, Otto Schily, Bärbel Bohley oder Rosemarie Will und Ulrich K. Preuß, der warb: „Eine Gesellschaft, die sich selbst eine Verfassung gegeben hat, ist politisch intelligenter, wacher und über sich selbst aufgeklärter.“ Über 2000 Bürger machten Vorschläge.
    Die Siegerpose hatte jegliche Nachdenklichkeit abgeworfen

    Die politische Klasse begleitete die Initiative mit Argwohn. Im Mai 1991 versicherte CDU-Innenminister Wolfgang Schäuble im Bundestag, eine Verfassungsneuschöpfung werde es mit der CDU nicht geben, auch keinen Umbau und keine Totalrevision. Im Juni wurde die überarbeitete Verfassung dennoch in der Frankfurter Paulskirche vorgestellt. Sie hatte vieles vom Runden Tisch bewahrt und fortgeschrieben. Aber sie ging noch mutiger auf Schwächen der eignen Ordnung ein. Sie forderte eine umfassende Friedenpflicht des Staates, einschließlich Abrüstungsverpflichtung und Waffenexportverbot. Neben Gesetzentwürfen sollten auch Verordnungen zustimmungspflichtig sein, um nicht mehr am Parlament vorbei regieren zu können. In einer zugehörigen Denkschrift hieß es, der Ohnmacht des Parlaments müsse als Gefahr für die Demokratie vorgebeugt werden. Die Beschränkung auf repräsentativen Parlamentarismus werde dem zunehmenden Bedürfnis der Bürger nach Teilhabe nicht mehr gerecht. Das politische System müsse für neue Inhalte und Politik-Formen geöffnet werden, um politisches Engagement zu fördern und Auseinandersetzungen der Menschen über sie selbst betreffende Fragen zu stärken.

    Die CDU-Regierung und konservative Leitmedien reagierten harsch. Soziale Grundrechte seien als Eingriffe in Freiheitsrechte abzulehnen. Es sei geradezu grotesk, dass nachdem sich das Grundgesetz der sozialistischen Gesellschaftsform als überlegen erwiesen habe, dieses geändert werden sollte. Die Siegerpose hatte jegliche Nachdenklichkeit abgeworfen. In dieser selbstgerechten Grundstimmung bestand die Gefahr, dass eine Verfassungsänderung nur Verschlechterung bringt. Auch das Kuratorium war gescheitert.

    In der Praxis scheiterte unterdessen der schnelle Beitritt. Die Zahl der Übersiedler war nach Einführung der D-Mark höher denn je. Nach repräsentativen Erhebungen demonstrierten zwischen 1990 und 1994 in Ostdeutschland drei Millionen Menschen gegen Entlassungen und Ungleichbehandlung – doppelt so viele wie bei der „friedlichen Revolution“ – doch sie wurden ignoriert.

    Das machtversessene Wegfegen der Bemühungen um einen auch verfassungsrechtlichen Neuanfang war vielmehr als eine vertane Chance. Es war Pflichtvergessenheit gegenüber einem sich ausbreitenden Ohnmachtsgefühl von Bürgern, die zu dem heutigen Rechtsruck beigetragen hat, zu Frust, Hass, Gewalttätigkeit und Demokratieverachtung. Es war organisierte Verantwortungslosigkeit der Mächtigen.

    #Allemagne #histoire #politique #réunification #droit

  • Charles Martel face aux sources
    https://laviedesidees.fr/Philippe-Senac-L-autre-bataille-de-Poitiers

    Au sein de l’imaginaire collectif, la bataille de Poitiers est souvent considérée comme un moment clé de l’histoire de France. En s’appuyant sur de nouvelles sources, notamment arabes, Ph. Sénac relativise l’importance de cet évènement - et plus généralement de la « dictature de l’événement ».

    #islam #Histoire #Moyen_Âge #guerre
    https://laviedesidees.fr/IMG/pdf/20240603_martel.pdf

  • Siege of Leningrad
    https://en.m.wikipedia.org/wiki/Siege_of_Leningrad


    Two little girls assemble submachine guns during the siege of Leningrad, 1943

    Avec un million de victimes de la famine imposée aux habitants de Leningrad pendant deux ans et demi et deux millions de morts quand on compte le demi million de soldats allemands qui sont morts sur ce front, le siège de Leningrad est le plus meurtrier de l’histoire. C’est un crime d’une dimension telle que la tentative d’éradication des habitants de Gaza paraît comme un vol à la tire par rapport aux viols et assassinats d’un Ted Bundy. Pourtant à chaque fois les actes génocidaires en disent long sur leurs auteurs.

    The 872 days of the siege caused extreme famine in the Leningrad region through disruption of utilities, water, energy and food supplies. This resulted in the deaths of up to 1,500,00 soldiers and civilians and the evacuation of 1,400,000 more (mainly women and children), many of whom died during evacuation due to starvation and bombardment. According to journalist Harrison E. Salisbury on the death toll of the siege, “A total for Leningrad and vicinity of something over 1,000,000 deaths attributable to hunger, and an over-all total of deaths, civilian and military, on the order of 1,300,000 to 1,500,000 seems reasonable.” According to military historian David M. Glantz, “the number of soldiers and civilians who perished during the Battle for Leningrad amounted to the awesome total of between 1.6 and two million souls. These figures associated with the defence of a single city are six times greater than the United States’ total death toll during the entirety of World War II” and that “In terms of drama, symbolism and sheer human suffering, however, the Battle for Leningrad has no peer either in the Great Patriotic War or in any other modern war”. Military historian Victor Davis Hanson further affirmed that “Leningrad was civilization’s most lethal siege” and that “More than one million died at Leningrad amid mass starvation, epidemic, cannibalism and daily barrages—a greater death toll than any siege in history”.

    Pour retourner le mythe de l’éternelle obligation allemande envers les juifs et l’état d’Israël contre ses auteurs on pourrait poser la question de l’effet qu’a l’alliance de la victime avec son bourreau sur l’état mental et moral de la victime.

    Je préfère ne pas trop baser ma réflexion sur des analogies psychologiques. Les intérêts de classe, les rackets comme structures traversant verticalement les classes et l’impérialisme du vingt et unième siècle sont des notions de base plus fructueuses pour une analyse des événements.

    Il est d’ailleurs intéressant de voir comment le texte dans Wkipedia de langue allemande minimise la signification du siège historique alors que la version française et surtout l’article approfondi en anglais lui accordent un poids important dans l’histoire humaine.

    #épuration_éthnique #racisme #génocide #histoire #guerre_totale #guerre_d_extermination

  • En Kanaky comme en Algérie : la milice, une culture coloniale (+ autre texte)

    Dès le début de la révolte en Kanaky se sont constituées des milices armées opposées aux indépendantistes agissant au nom d’un droit à « l’auto-défense » avec la bienveillance des autorités. L’historien Alain Ruscio rappelle, à propos de l’Algérie, que la formation de milices armées meurtrières fut récurrente dans les colonies de peuplement en proie à la hantise de l’émeute des colonisés.
    +
    L’actualité de la Nouvelle-Calédonie apparaît hantée par une inquiétante étrangeté. La grande erreur de Macron et de ses équipes est d’avoir pensé qu’il était possible de manipuler l’histoire et la réalité. Prétendre que la Nouvelle-Calédonie est « un bout de France dans le Pacifique », c’est s’aveugler sur le fait colonial. Par Isabelle Merle et Francis Sitel
    https://entreleslignesentrelesmots.wordpress.com/2024/05/31/en-kanaky-comme-en-algerie-la-milice-une-cultu

    #histoire #colonisation #algerie #kanaky

  • « Erinnerungspolitischer Skandal »
    https://www.sueddeutsche.de/muenchen/dachau/zeitgeschichte-erinnerungspolitischer-skandal-1.4775232

    Ce tournant d’histoire m’a échappé. Depuis le 19 septembre 2019 le parlement européen considère l’URSS comme responsable pour la deuxième guerre mondiale. La quasi totalité des représentants des peuple de UE partage et soutient désormais les faussaires d’histoire et réactionnaires dangereux qui nous font chier avec ce baratin revanchiste depuis la séparation de l’Allemagne par la fondation de la Bundesrepublik Deutschland en 1949. Cette droite crypto-fasciste a désormais gagné les esprits politiques ce qui ne laisse rien présager de bon.

    28.1.2020 von Helmut Zeller - Die österreichischen Lagergemeinschaften Dachau und Ravensbrück protestieren gegen eine EU-Resolution, die nationalsozialistische mit stalinistischen Verbrechen gleichsetzt und der Sowjetunion eine Mitschuld am Ausbruch des Zweiten Weltkriegs gibt

    Die schönen, zum Teil auch beeindruckenden Reden von Staatsoberhäuptern und Regierungschefs zum Holocaust-Gedenktag am Montag sind verklungen - für die Überlebenden des Naziterrors kehrt wieder der Alltag mühseliger Erinnerungsarbeit ein: und das gleich mit einem geschichtspolitischen Skandal. Die österreichischen Lagergemeinschaften Ravensbrück und Dachau, die mit dem Internationalen Dachau-Komitee (CID) assoziiert sind, protestieren gegen „die unsägliche Entschließung“ des europäischen Parlaments zur Erinnerungspolitik unter der Kennzeichnung P9-TA-PROV (2019) 0021. Es geht im wesentlichen um zwei Punkte: Die Resolution vom 19. September 2019 setzt die Verbrechen des Nationalsozialismus, insbesondere den Holocaust, mit den stalinistischen Verbrechen gleich und behauptet eine Mitschuld der Sowjetunion am Zweiten Weltkrieg. „Damit stellt dieser medial weitgehend unbemerkte Skandal einen gravierenden historischen Rückschritt dar, der eine alarmierende Machtverschiebung im europäischen Parlament signalisiert“, kritisieren die Sprecher beider Lagergemeinschaften.

    Gegen diese Umdeutung der Geschichte haben die beiden Organisationen, die vor 70 Jahren von KZ-Überlebenden gegründet worden sind, bereits Anfang November 2019 eine gemeinsame Protestnote verfasst. Sie richtete sich an die österreichischen Abgeordneten des Europäischen Parlaments sowie die Parteivorsitzenden der österreichischen Parlamentsparteien. Bis heute haben die Lagergemeinschaften jedoch keine Antwort erhalten, wie Ernst Berger und Eva Friedler, Vorsitzende der Lagergemeinschaft Dachau, mitteilten. Nun wenden sich die Vereinigungen in einer Online-Petition gegen die Entschließung und fordern deren Rücknahme. Die Petition soll auch noch als Inserat im Standard veröffentlicht werden. Auch andere Verfolgtenorganisationen unterstützen die Petition, etwa das Internationale Komitee der Vernichtungs- und Konzentrationslager der Nazis und der FIR (Féderation Internationale Des Résistants - Association Antifasciste).

    Ernst Berger und Eva Friedler sowie Bernadette Dewald, Brigitte Halbmayr und Helga Amesberger, Sprecherinnen der Österreichischen Lagergemeinschaft Ravensbrück, sind über den Inhalt der Entschließung des EU-Parlaments entsetzt. Grundsätzlich finden sie die Absicht des EU-Abgeordneten gut, die Erinnerung an die Verbrechen im 20. Jahrhundert wachzuhalten und das Friedensprojekt der europäischen Einigung voranzutreiben. „Aber nicht so“, heißt es in ihrer Petition. „Die in der Resolution enthaltene Geschichtsdarstellung widerspricht nicht nur anerkannten Ergebnissen der zeitgeschichtlichen Forschung - die im Übrigen für die Sowjetunion auch die höchste zivile und militärische Opferzahl des Zweiten Weltkriegs feststellt - sie greift auch den antinazistischen Konsens an, der den Sieg über Nationalsozialismus und Faschismus in Europa erst ermöglichte.“

    Tatsächlich zielt die EU-Resolution auf eine Gleichsetzung der stalinistischen Verbrechen mit dem industriellen Massenmord an den europäischen Juden und anderen Verbrechen des NS-Staates, etwa der Vernichtungspolitik gegen Roma und Sinti. Außerdem wird die Schuld Nazideutschlands am Ausbruch des Zweiten Weltkriegs relativiert, indem der Hitler-Stalin-Pakt als eigentlicher Kriegsgrund genannt wird. „Nun soll hier dieser Pakt auch gar nicht beschönigt werden, im Übrigen allerdings auch nicht der Vertrag von München, doch es war Hitler, der den Krieg wollte und von Expansion träumte. Zudem wird in der Entschließung Nationalsozialismus und Kommunismus gleichgesetzt, als wäre die Sowjetunion - bei aller Kritik an den stalinistischen Verbrechen - nicht Teil der Alliierten gewesen, die Europa von der Vernichtung und dem Vernichtungskrieg befreiten.“

    Die Resolution steht in einer Folge von geschichtsrevisionistischen Strömungen in Europa, die schon seit vielen Jahren an Einfluss zu gewinnen versuchen. Etwa die Theorie des „doppelten Genozids“, die ihren Ausgang in Litauen nahm, und kommunistische mit nationalsozialistischen Verbrechen gleichsetzt. Die litauische Geschichtspolitik setzt die Litauer ausschließlich als Opfer von Nazis und Sowjetregime und verdeckt so die intensive Kollaboration mit Hitlerdeutschland. So informiert das „Haus der Opfer des Genozids“ in Litauen nur zu einem kleinen Teil über den Massenmord an den mehr als 200 000 litauischen Juden. Die Beteiligung litauischer Widerstandskämpfer gegen das Sowjetregime an der Judenvernichtung wird weitgehend ausgeklammert.

    In der Praxis kommt es zu einer Täter-Opfer-Umkehr. So ermittelte die Staatsanwaltschaft 2008, um nur ein Beispiel zu nennen, gegen die Holocaust-Überlebende Fanja Brancovskaja aus Vilnius, die im Jahr 2009 das Bundesverdienstkreuz erhielt, weil sie 1943 aus dem Ghetto fliehen konnte und sich einer Partisaneneinheit angeschlossen hatte. Der Vorwurf: Kriegsverbrechen. Die Hexenjagd auf die Überlebende ging 2017 weiter. Die Theorie des „doppelten Genozids“ ging auch in die sogenannte Prager Erklärung von 2008 ein, in der stalinistische mit nazistischen Verbrechen ebenso gleichgesetzt wurden.

    Auf diese Erklärung, die damals auch vom späteren deutschen Bundespräsidenten Joachim Gauck unterschrieben wurde, beruft sich die aktuelle Resolution des EU-Parlaments. Eingebracht wurde sie von 19 Abgeordneten (18 aus Polen, einer aus Litauen), angenommen wurde sie von einer großen Mehrheit der Abgeordneten aller Fraktionen (535 Ja-Stimmen, 66 Ablehnungen und 52 Enthaltungen). Auch alle österreichischen Abgeordneten (mit Ausnahme der Grünen-Politikerin Monika Vana, die sich der Stimme enthielt) tragen die Resolution mit.

    Die Lagergemeinschaften kritisieren, dass die Abgeordneten „mit ihrer Zustimmung die Intention der polnischen Regierung unterstützen, international eine neue, revisionistische Erinnerungspolitik zu installieren, die die alleinige Schuld des nationalsozialistischen Deutschland am Vernichtungskrieg relativiert“. Ernst Berger und seine Mitstreiterinnen sehen in der Resolution „ein weiteres Zeichen dafür, dass es der rechtspopulistischen Regierung Polens gelingt, Mehrheiten für eine Erinnerungspolitik zu gewinnen, in der alle totalitären Regime gleichgesetzt werden. Damit wird den rechtsextremen Kräften in ganz Europa in die Hände gespielt“. Die Zustimmung nahezu aller österreichischen EU-Abgeordneten sei ein unerträglicher Affront für die Opfer des Nationalsozialismus. Viele Verfolgte hätten nach der Befreiung aktiv am demokratischen Aufbau Österreichs und Europas mitgearbeitet. Die EU-Entschließung, die auf der Verzerrung von historischen Fakten basiere, widerspreche dem Gedenken an die NS-Opfer und missachte das Engagement der Verfolgten in eklatanter Weise.

    Textes adoptés - Importance de la mémoire européenne pour l’avenir de l’Europe - Jeudi 19 septembre 2019
    https://www.europarl.europa.eu/doceo/document/TA-9-2019-0021_FR.html

    #Europe #revanchisme #anticommunisme #histoire #URSS #Pologne

  • Sowing Somankidi Coura: A Generative Archive

    #Sowing_Somankidi_Coura, a Generative Archive is a long-term research endeavor by #Raphaël_Grisey in collaboration with #Bouba_Touré around the permacultures and archives of Somankidi Coura, a self-organized agricultural cooperative along the Senegal river founded by a group of former African migrant workers and activists in France in 1977 after the Sahel drought of 1973. Sowing Somankidi Coura unfolds and generates cine-geographies that reveal the boundaries between the liberation struggles of migrant workers in France, the Pan-African history of the cooperative and potentialities of #permaculture.

    Through a practice of filmmaking, archiving, publication, workshop and theatre, Sowing Somankidi Coura, engages in the articulation of liberation narratives, collective care and peasant alliances towards a denaturalisation and decolonization of development politics.

    The research navigates the liaisons across partial perspectives; situated knowledges and ecosystems; hetero-temporalities; affinities between soils, plants, animals and farming technologies; archives and reservoirs. Deploying diverse modes of image circulation, the work aimed at resisting forces of erosion, determination, national migration management politics, and the patenting of colonial agro-industries.

    https://raphaelgrisey.net/research
    #Sénégal #coopérative #agriculture #sécheresse #décolonial #Mali #diaspora #archive #histoire #histoire_coloniale

    ping @reka @cede

    • #Xaraasi_Xanne – Crossing Voices
      https://vimeo.com/678901326

      Using rare cinematic, photographic and sound archives, Crossing Voices recounts the exemplary adventure of Somankidi Coura, an agricultural cooperative created in Mali in 1977 by western African immigrant workers living in workers’ residences in France. The story of this improbable, utopic return to the homeland follows a winding path that travels through the ecological challenges and conflicts on the African continent from the 1970s to the present day. To tell this story, Bouba Touré, one of its principal actors, returns to the heart of his personal archives. They document peasant struggles in France and Mali as well as following the personal stories of migrant workers over many decades. Furthermore, the film is a story of transmission, kinship and cinematographic geographies. Throughout the film, voices come to accompany Bouba and bring forth the narrative of a forgotten memory leading towards the future.

      https://raphaelgrisey.net/works/xaraasi-xanne-crossing-voices-in-production

      #film #documentaire #film_documentaire

  • L’écrire-juif
    https://laviedesidees.fr/Nelly-Wolf-Le-Juif-imagine

    La #littérature française porte la trace d’un « fait juif », comme en attestent trois prix Goncourt entre 1955 et 1962. Souvenir de la #Shoah et du yiddish perdu, la judéité s’écrit en termes moins identitaires que mémoriels et politiques.

    #Histoire #judaïsme #langage #fiction
    https://laviedesidees.fr/IMG/pdf/20240530_juifs.pdf

  • Il massacro di Addis Abeba

    Ci sono pagine della storia d’Italia che conosciamo ormai a memoria, e altre su cui ancora non è stata scritta la parola “fine”. E poi ci sono le pagine dimenticate, relegate all’oblio perché troppo dolorose. Anche quelle, però, fanno parte del nostro passato. In questo caso, del nostro passato di “potenza imperialista”. La mattina del 19 febbraio 1937, ad Addis Abeba, il viceré Rodolfo Graziani e le autorità italiane che da nove mesi governano un terzo dell’Etiopia celebrano la nascita del primo figlio maschio del principe Umberto di Savoia. Ma un gruppo d’insorti riesce a superare i controlli e, all’improvviso, otto bombe a mano seminano il caos tra quei notabili. Di fronte al bilancio — sette morti e decine di feriti, compreso lo stesso Graziani — il Duce ordina la repressione: “Tutti i civili e religiosi comunque sospetti devono essere passati per le armi”. È così che si scatena uno dei massacri più ignobili della parentesi coloniale italiana: giorni di terrore, tra omicidi e saccheggi, durante i quali migliaia di innocenti vengono trucidati con sistematica brutalità. Repressione che culmina, nel maggio dello stesso anno, con l’eccidio di centinaia di monaci, preti e pellegrini cristiani della Chiesa etiope, tutti disarmati, radunati nel monastero di Debra Libanos. Intanto, le Camicie nere ne approfittano per azzerare l’intellighenzia del Paese, in un vero e proprio pogrom.Con precisione accademica e passo narrativo, Ian Campell ricostruisce in questo saggio una delle atrocità meno conosciute del regime fascista, analizzandone premesse e conseguenze, senza fare sconti a nessuno. Perché è venuto il momento di guardare in faccia la realtà e l’orrore di quanto accaduto, per non dimenticare né le vittime né i carnefici.

    https://www.rizzolilibri.it/libri/il-massacro-di-addis-abeba
    #livre #Italie #Italie_coloniale #histoire_coloniale #colonialisme #Ethiopie #colonialisme_italien #massacre

    –-

    ajouté à la métaliste sur le colonialisme italien :
    https://seenthis.net/messages/871953

  • Plotone chimico. Cronache abissine di una generazione scomoda

    In queste preziosissime memorie sul colonialismo italiano in Etiopia e in particolare sulla strage di #Zeret, al rigore della testimonianza storica si intrecciano la pietà e l’amore per un popolo e un paese che hanno lasciato il segno nell’animo del soldato italiano #Alessandro_Boaglio. La società e la cultura indigene vengono viste con gli occhi di chi tornato in patria ricorda, rivive e rivede in chiave diversa comportamenti, azioni e stragi efferate delle quali l’autore è stato protagonista, essendo partito per l’impero come sergente maggiore di un reparto chimico.

    https://www.mimesisedizioni.it/libro/9788857501567

    #livre #Italie #Italie_coloniale #histoire_coloniale #colonialisme #Ethiopie #colonialisme_italien

    –—

    ajouté à la métaliste sur le colonialisme italien:
    https://seenthis.net/messages/871953

  • Cronache dalla polvere

    Nel 1936 l’esercito italiano conquista la capitale dell’impero etiope, Addis Abeba. Per quelle popolazioni un nuovo inizio: la #pace_romana, come la definì Benito Mussolini. Cronache dalla polvere racconta questa pagina di storia dell’Italia dimenticata e troppo a lungo taciuta: l’occupazione dei territori dell’Abissinia da parte delle truppe fasciste. Il regime ambiva a farne il fiore all’occhiello dell’Impero italiano ma si trovò a reprimere con atroce violenza la resistenza dei fieri guerriglieri arbegnuoc. Le truppe italiane insieme alle camicie nere si resero protagoniste di rastrellamenti, distruzioni e massacri di uomini, donne e bambini, abbandonando umanità e pietà. Perdute per sempre in quelle terre lontane da Roma. Le popolazioni locali non hanno mai dimenticato quel passato di inaudita violenza. Cronache dalla polvere è un’occasione per ricordare l’orrore della guerra e delle ideologie di superiorità della razza. Questa storia batte al tempo inesorabile dei tamburi di guerra, respira polvere e vento e ha gli occhi dei suoi protagonisti: soldati italiani, guerriglieri etiopi e alcune misteriose presenze. Fantasmi. Il paesaggio africano del secolo scorso rivive con una vena fantastica grazie al racconto corale del collettivo di scrittrici, scrittori e illustratori in tutta la sua spettacolare intensità e drammaticità.

    https://www.bompiani.it/catalogo/cronache-dalla-polvere-9788830100220
    #livre #colonialisme_italien #Italie_coloniale #colonialisme #Italie #histoire_coloniale #Abyssinie #fascisme #arbegnuoc #résistance #violence #Ethiopie #guerre_d'Ethiopie #Rodolfo_Graziani #massacre

    –-

    ajouté à la métaliste sur le colonialisme italien:
    https://seenthis.net/messages/871953

  • #CONTRADE_RIBELLI – Short Movie
    https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=c_WE3QgZMlU

    L’anteprima del cortometraggio Contrade Ribelli sulle narrazioni meticce del cantiere permanente Resistenze in Cirenaica, attivo dal 2015 nel rione bolognese.
    Una produzione RIC, Solipsia e Studio Banshee.

    “CONTRADE RIBELLI” è il primo documentario autoprodotto da SOLIPSIA in collaborazione con STUDIO BANSHEE e RESISTENZE IN CIRENAICA.

    Negli scorsi mesi, qui a Bologna, abbiamo avuto il piacere di conoscere le sorelle e i fratelli di Resistenze In Cirenaica. Fin dal primo giorno la sinergia sprigionatasi nelle lotte, negli intenti e negli animi ha fatto sì che i nostri cammini siano tutt’oggi stabilmente incrociati.
    Da allora, percorriamo insieme le strade e i quartieri di questa città: loro ci hanno raccontato le incredibili storie, gli incantesimi, le evocazioni e gli esorcismi che hanno segnato queste strade, con una particolare – quanto dovuta – attenzione a un rione: la Contrada Ribelle della Cirenaica.
    Noi, dal canto nostro, non potevamo che raccogliere quelle incredibili testimonianze, rimanendo ammaliati da quanto ascoltavamo e guardando con occhi diversi per la prima volta quelle che, fino ad allora, ci erano sempre sembrate apparentemente strade come tante.
    Durante queste notti, spesso siamo stati i testimoni di alcune “apparizioni”: quelle strade, al nostro congiunto passaggio, cambiavano nome e “luce”, riportando in vita i fantasmi e i numi tutelari benevoli che ne hanno nel tempo caratterizzato le cronache e svelato la loro profonda natura rivoltosa. Insomma, insieme abbiamo vissuto vere e proprie Evocazioni.

    Tuttavia tali apparizioni, effimere per natura, sono “condannate”, almeno visivamente, alla sparizione, provocando un leggero rammarico per lo svanire di una presenza, non solo nel suo autore.
    Per questo, abbiamo deciso di realizzare insieme, in collaborazione con Studio Banshee, un documentario che raccontasse proprio Resistenze In Cirenaica, cercando di racchiudere in un cortometraggio la storia di questo incredibile “cantiere permanente”, attivo sin dal 2015.

    Proprio nel giorno in cui il malfermo ponte di Via Libia viene chiuso per lavori di riqualificazione e inizia il percorso di cancellazione delle tracce del rituale che ha visto l’apparizione dei custodi della memoria partigiana e dei fantasmi del rimosso coloniale, siamo lieti di presentarvi finalmente il teaser, primo estratto di “CONTRADE RIBELLI”.

    https://www.solipsia.it/contrade-ribelli-short-movie

    #court-métrage #vidéo #film #film_documentaire
    #toponymie #toponymie_politique #toponymie_coloniale #Cirenaica #Bologne #Italie #diversité #métissage #colonialisme #néo-colonialisme #histoire_coloniale #odonomyie #noms_de_rue #magie_blanche #partisans #Lorenzo_Giusti #guérilla_odonymique

    –-

    ajouté à la métaliste sur le colonialisme italien :
    https://seenthis.net/messages/871953

  • Hantises politiques
    https://laviedesidees.fr/Eric-Fournier-Nous-reviendrons

    Le XIXe siècle a été riche en spectres : fantômes, morts-vivants et zombies, mais surtout revenants politiques, du monarque de la Restauration aux morts de la Commune, en passant par le célèbre spectre qui hante l’Europe selon Marx et Engels : le communisme.

    #Histoire #révolution #mort #surnaturel
    https://laviedesidees.fr/IMG/pdf/20240529_spectres.pdf

  • Colonisation de peuplement : aux racines du « conflit israélo-palestinien » (1ère partie)
    https://spectremedia.org/podcast/colonisation-de-peuplement-aux-racines-du-conflit-israelo-palestinien-1ere-partie/?playing=1774

    La première partie (1 heure 10 minutes) comporte :

    – Une critique des différentes approches dominantes du « conflit israélo-palestinien », y compris à l’extrême-gauche, vus uniquement au travers du prisme de l’antisémitisme, des résolutions de l’ONU, de l’anti-impérialisme… ;
    – Une analyse critique de « l’exceptionnalité d’Israël » : en réalité, une colonisation de peuplement semblable à d’autres (effectuée par des persécutés fuyant leurs pays d’origine, avec l’appui de puissances impérialistes, et aux détriments des populations locales), malgré des spécificités irréfutables (une colonisation de peuplement tardive, avec une « métropole » seulement de 1917 à 1939, et effectuée par des persécutés fuyant l’antisémitisme européen) ;
    – Une présentation du mouvement sioniste (avant 1948) et de l’Etat d’Israël (après 1948) comme colonisation de peuplement visant à l’expulsion forcée plutôt qu’à l’exploitation des populations autochtones, à l’instar des colonisations de peuplement blanches d’Amérique du Nord et de l’Australie, et par contraste avec l’Algérie française et l’Afrique du Sud de l’Apartheid, d’où une pérennité supérieure à ces dernières ;
    – Une analyse des conséquences du colonialisme de peuplement sur les rapports de classe et les alliances de classe en Israël et en Palestine ;
    – Une critique des positions antideutsch et sionistes de gauche ;
    – Une discussion des liens entre antisémitisme, antisionisme et anticolonialisme ;
    – Un appel à refuser l’exceptionalisation de l’Etat d’Israël dans un sens antisémite (qui en fait un Etat omnipotent, dirigeant la politique étrangère des Etats-Unis, fomentant des guerres et des crises, et incarnant seul le colonialisme contemporain) ou prosioniste (qui en fait un simple Etat refuge des juifs, démocratique à l’intérieur de ses frontières internationalement reconnues, et fondamentalement différent des colonisations de peuplement historiques).

    #Israël #Palestine #histoire #colonisation #colonisation_de_peuplement

  • The Mask of Anarchy, Percy Bysshe Shelley, Written on the Occasion of the Massacre at Manchester
    https://en.m.wikisource.org/wiki/The_Complete_Poetical_Works_of_Percy_Bysshe_Shelley_(ed._Hutchinson,_1914)/The_Mask_of_Anarchy

    L’attitude du poète ressemble à la notre par rapport aux événements à Gaza.

    On August 16th, 1819, approximately 100,000 millworkers and their families congregated at Saint Peter’s Field in Manchester in a peaceful demonstration of protest calling for reform in the working class’s role. The local ruling class was sent to arrest the leader of the protest, Henry Hunt, and in turn wounded hundreds, and killed a dozen.

    As I lay asleep in Italy
    There came a voice from over the Sea
    And with great power it forth led me
    To walk in the visions of Poesy.

    I met Murder on the way—
    He had a mask like Castlereagh—
    Very smooth he looked, yet grim;
    Seven blood-hounds followed him.

    All were fat; and well they might
    Be in admirable plight,
    For one by one, and two by two,
    He tossed the human hearts to chew
    Which from his wide cloak he drew.

    Next came Fraud, and he had on,
    Like Eldon, an ermined gown;
    His big tears, for he wept well,
    Turned to mill-stones as they fell:

    And the little children, who
    Round his feet played to and fro,
    Thinking every tear a gem,
    Had their brains knocked out by them.

    Clothed with the Bible, as with light,
    And the shadows of the night,
    Like Sidmouth, next, Hypocrisy
    On a crocodile rode by.

    And many more Destructions played
    In this ghastly masquerade,
    All disguised, even to the eyes,
    Like Bishops, lawyers, peers, or spies.

    Last came Anarchy: he rode
    On a white horse, splashed with blood;
    He was pale even to the lips,
    Like Death in the Apocalypse.

    And he wore a kingly crown;
    And in his grasp a sceptre shone;
    On his brow this mark I saw—
    ’I AM GOD, AND KING, AND LAW!’

    With a pace stately and fast,
    Over English land he passed,
    Trampling to a mire of blood
    The adoring multitude.

    And a mighty troop around,
    With their trampling shook the ground,
    Waving each a bloody sword,
    For the service of their Lord.

    ...

    Peterloo Massacre
    https://en.m.wikipedia.org/wiki/Peterloo_Massacre

    #poésie #Grande_Bretagne #histoire #lutte_des_classes #Gaza

  • Siege and Massacre of Fort William Henry
    https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Siege_of_Fort_William_Henry#Massacre

    Cet événement américain du 9 et 10 août 1757 ressemble étrangement aux événements du 7 octobre 2023 en Palestine. Il fait partie de la longue histoire du génocide commis contre les indigènes de l’Amérique du Nord. Dans le contexte de la guerre de la Conquête (1754-1760) ou la guerre de Sept Ans (1756-1763) les armées coloniales francaises et britanniques récrutaient des mercenaires indigènes réputés pour leur bravoure et cruauté.

    Après avoir été trahi et privé du butin promis par leurs alliés européens ces guerriers se sont dédommagés en commettant un massace parmi les colons et militaires britanniques vaincus. Ils ont également pris des otages, comme les militaires Francais, qu’ils ont emporté comme esclaves ou échange contre rancon.

    Les informations disponibles à son époque ont servi à James Fennimore Cooper pour la composition du roman Le Dernier des Mohicans .

    The terms of surrender were that the British and their camp followers would be allowed to withdraw, under French escort, to Fort Edward with full honours of war if they refrained from fighting for 18 months. They were allowed to keep their muskets and a single symbolic cannon but no ammunition. In addition, British authorities were to release French prisoners within three months.

    Montcalm, before agreeing to these terms, tried to make sure that his Indian allies understood them and that the chiefs would undertake to restrain their men. The process was complicated by the diversity within the Indian camp, which included some warriors who spoke languages that were not understood by any European present. The British garrison was then evacuated from the fort to the entrenched camp, and Monro was quartered in the French camp. The Indians then entered the fort and plundered it and butchered some of the wounded and the sick left behind by the British. The French guards posted around the entrenched camp were only somewhat successful at keeping the Indians out of that area, and it took much effort to prevent plunder and scalping there. Montcalm and Monro initially planned to march the prisoners south the following morning, but after seeing the Indian bloodlust, they decided to attempt the march that night. When the Indians became aware that the British were getting ready to move, many of them massed around the camp, which caused the leaders to call off the march until morning.

    The next morning, even before the British column had begun to form up for the march to Fort Edward, the Indians renewed attacks on the largely defenceless British. At 5 a.m., Indians entered huts in the fort that housed wounded British, who were supposed to be under the care of French doctors, and the Indians killed and scalped them. Monro complained that the terms of capitulation had been violated, but his contingent was forced to surrender some of its baggage to be able even to begin the march. As the British marched off, they were harassed by the swarming Indians, who snatched at them, grabbed for weapons and clothing, and pulled away with force those that resisted their actions, including many of the women, children, servants, and slaves. As the last of the men left the encampment, a war whoop sounded, and a contingent of Abenaki warriors seized several men at the rear of the column.
    Montcalm is depicted wearing a uniform and three-cornered hat and faces an Indian who has raised a tomahawk over his head, as if to strike at Montcalm, while he steps over a wounded soldier. Bodies lie about, and an Indian is seen holding a white baby away from a woman who is trying to reach for it.
    Engraving of Louis-Joseph de Montcalm trying to stop Native Americans from attacking British soldiers and civilians as they leave the fort

    Although Montcalm and other French officers attempted to stop further attacks, others did nothing, and some explicitly refused to provide further protection to the British. The column then dissolved, as some tried to escape the Indian onslaught, and others actively tried to defend themselves. Massachusetts Colonel Joseph Frye reported that he was stripped of much of his clothing and repeatedly threatened. He fled into the woods and did not reach Fort Edward until 12 August.

    At last with great difficulty the troops got from the Retrenchment, but they were no sooner out than the savages fell upon our rear, killing and scalping, which occasioned an order for a halt, done in great confusion at last, but, as soon as those in the front knew what was doing in the rear they again pressed forward, and thus the confusion continued & encreased till we came to the advanced guard of the French, the savages still carrying away Officers, privates, women and children, some of which later they kill’d & scalpt in the road. This horrid scene of blood and slaughter obliged our officers to apply to the French Guard for protection, which they refus’d told them they must take to the woods and shift for themselves.
    — Joseph Frye

    Estimates of the numbers killed, wounded, and captives vary widely. Ian Steele has compiled estimates ranging from 200 to 1,500.[36] His detailed reconstruction of the siege and its aftermath indicates that the final tally of British missing and dead ranges from 69 to 184, at most 7.5% of the 2,308 who had surrendered.
    ...
    Aftermath

    The reconstructed fort is a wooden log construction, painted brown, roughly a single story tall. There are four flagpoles, from which fly a variety of flags, including the American flag and a British Union Jack. Mountains are visible in the background.
    The reconstructed fort today

    On the afternoon after the massacre, most of the Indians left and headed back to their homes. Montcalm secured the release of 500 captives they had taken, but the Indians still took with them another 200.

    Return of captives

    On 14 August, Montcalm wrote letters to Loudoun and Webb and apologized for the behaviour of the Indians but also attempted to justify it. Many captives who were taken to Montreal by the Indians were also eventually repatriated through prisoner exchanges negotiated by Vaudreuil. On 27 September, a small British fleet left Quebec and carried paroled or exchanged prisoners taken in a variety of actions, including those at Fort William Henry and Oswego. When the fleet arrived at Halifax, Nova Scotia, about 300 people captured at Fort William Henry were returned to the colonies. The fleet continued to Europe, where a few more former captives were released. Some of them also eventually returned to the colonies.
    ...
    Legacy
    ...
    Ian Steele notes that two primary accounts dominate much of the historical record. The first is the record compiled by Montcalm, including the terms of surrender and his letters to Webb and Loudoun, which received wide publication in the colonies (both French and British) and in Europe. The second was the 1778 publication of a book by Jonathan Carver, an explorer who had served in the Massachusetts militia and had been at the siege. According to Steele, Carver originated, without any supporting analysis or justification, the idea that as many as 1,500 people had been “killed or made prisoner” in his widely-popular work.[49] Yale College President Timothy Dwight, in a history published that was posthumously in 1822, apparently coined the phrase “massacre at Fort William Henry,” based on Carver’s work. His book and Carver’s were likely influences on Cooper, and they tended to fault Montcalm for the Indian transgressions.[50] Steele himself adopts a more nuanced view of the underlying cause of the massacre. Montcalm and the French leaders repeatedly promised the Indians opportunities for the glory and trophies of war, including plunder, scalping, and the taking of captives.[51] In the aftermath of the Battle of Sabbath Day Point, captives taken were ransomed, which meant the Indians had no visible trophies. The terms of surrender at Fort William Henry effectively denied the Indians appreciable opportunities for plunder: the war provisions were claimed by the French army and the personal effects of the British were to stay with them, which left nothing for the Indians. According to Steele, that decision bred resentment, as it appeared that the French were conspiring with their enemies, the British, against their friends, the Indians, who were left without any of the promised war trophies.

    Bataille de Fort William Henry - après le siège
    https://fr.wikipedia.org/wiki/Bataille_de_Fort_William_Henry#Apr%C3%A8s_le_si%C3%A8ge

    Pour certains, les Amérindiens auront commis des actes injustifiés le 9 août et 10 août 1757 mais, pour ces derniers, ils avaient été trahis par Montcalm puisque ce dernier aurait donné sa parole à l’effet que la contribution directe des Amérindiens dans la bataille leur permettrait de disposer de Fort William Henry comme bon leur semblerait après la reddition des tuniques rouges.

    À la suite de cette tuerie, l’état-major britannique refuse de reconnaître les conditions de la capitulation et décide de ne plus accorder, à l’avenir, les honneurs de la guerre aux troupes françaises.

    Fort William Henry, 1757 : A Fate Worse Than Surrender
    https://www.historynet.com/fort-william-henry-1757-a-fate-worse-than-surrender

    Death was everywhere, and in his most terrific and disgusting aspects.…The flow of blood might be likened to the outbreaking of a torrent
    —James Fenimore Cooper, The Last of the Mohicans
    ...
    Lord Loudoun, still determined to launch an all-out attack on Québec, placed Brig. Gen. Daniel Webb in charge of the New York frontier, basing him at Fort Edward, 16 miles south of Fort William Henry. Loudoun had received false intelligence that Montcalm was gathering in his forces to defend Québec. In fact, the French commander intended to foil Loudoun’s plans by preemptively destroying Fort William Henry.

    In late July Monro sent out a reconnaissance in force—350 men in 22 whaleboats that had survived Rigaud’s attack. They were ambushed by a superior force mainly composed of Indians, who slaughtered nearly 100 men and took another 150 prisoner; only four boats escaped. The carnage was horrific. “Some were cut to pieces,” recalled Father Pierre Roubaud, a French Jesuit missionary accompanying the Abenakis on expedition, “and nearly all were mutilated in the most frightful manner.”

    The day after the survivors’ return Webb dispatched an additional 1,000 men and six cannons to Fort William Henry, boosting Monro’s strength to 2,351 men, though many remained seriously ill. The transfer left Webb with only 1,600 men at Fort Edward.

    By then Montcalm had assembled more than 6,200 regulars, provincials and milice, as well as 1,800 warriors from 18 Indian nations. Having heard of the British trouncing at Oswego, some had traveled more than 1,500 miles on the promise of scalps, prisoners and plunder.
    ...
    Over the next several days some 600 panicked survivors from Fort William Henry wandered into Fort Edward, their versions of the attack exaggerated with every telling. Word spread throughout New York and New England of women horribly abused, babies dashed against rocks and men scalped alive. The rumored number of those killed or taken prisoner soared as high as 1,700. Then, on August 14, Montcalm—who had realized his objective by demolishing Fort William Henry—sent word to Webb he was holding Monro and 500 soldiers and civilians for their own protection and would shortly have them escorted to Fort Edward.

    While a precise tally proves elusive, somewhere between 50 and 174 unarmed soldiers and civilians were massacred in the march from Fort William Henry. Such atrocities were not uncommon on the frontier, as evinced by the Oswego attack and Lake George ambush. And they were perpetrated by both sides. Two years after the Fort William Henry massacre Robert Rogers himself staged an attack on a sleeping Abenaki village, killing its occupants indiscriminately, though the desecration of his brother’s body doubtless served as motivation.

    #histoire #USA #génocide

  • Leichenporträts
    https://de.m.wikipedia.org/wiki/Leichenportr%C3%A4ts_(Menzel)


    Adolph von Menzel: Drei gefallene Soldaten in einer Scheune. Bleistift, Aquarell; 18,6 × 27,5 cm. Bezeichnet oben rechts: Ad. Menzel. Unten Mitte von Menzels Hand: Leichenkammer Königinhof 21 Juli 1866. Berlin, Kupferstichkabinett (SZ Menzel N 1741)

    Die Begegnung mit den Toten war für Adolph Menzel nicht die erste ihrer Art. Mitte Juli 1866 hatte er am Ende des Deutschen Krieges in Königinhof bei Königgrätz Zeichnungen und Aquarelle von toten und sterbenden Soldaten angefertigt, darunter auch Studien von kurz zuvor Gefallenen, die man nicht aufgebahrt, sondern provisorisch in einer Scheune auf Stroh gebettet hatte. In einem Brief vom 2. August desselben Jahres bemerkte Menzel dazu seinen Eindruck, „[...] 14 Tage die Nase in Graus Jammer und Stank zu stecken“. Zwei Tage zuvor, am 31. Juli, verkündete er in einem Schreiben weniger respektvoll das Vorhaben, „zu Gitschin das Lachgesicht des alten Friedländers in seinem Sarge zu besehen“. Menzels Leichenporträts aus der Gruft der Garnisonkirche zeigen eine schnelle Arbeitsweise. Trotz ihrer Sachlichkeit lassen sie jeweils „eine intensive Zwiesprache mit dem toten ‚Modell‘“ erkennen.

    #histoire #guerre_austro-prussienne #Art

  • “Sotto l’acqua”. Le storie dimenticate dei borghi alpini sommersi in nome del “progresso”

    I grandi invasi per la produzione di energia idroelettrica hanno segnato nei primi decenni del Novecento l’inizio della colonizzazione dei territori montani. #Fabio_Balocco, giornalista e scrittore di tematiche ambientali, ne ha raccolto le vicende in un libro. Un lavoro prezioso anche per comprendere l’attuale dibattito su nuove dighe e bacini a favore di agricoltura intensiva e innevamento artificiale

    Un campanile solitario emerge dalle acque del Lago di Rèsia, in Val Venosta, un invaso realizzato per produrre energia idroelettrica. Quella che per i turisti di oggi è una curiosa attrazione, è in realtà ciò che rimane di una borgata alpina sommersa in nome del “progresso”. Quella del campanile che sorge dalle acque è un’immagine iconica che in tanti conoscono. Ma non si tratta di un caso isolato: molti altri abitati alpini furono sommersi nello scorso secolo, sacrificati sullo stesso altare. Soprattutto nel Piemonte occidentale, dove subirono la sorte le borgate di Osiglia, Pontechianale, Ceresole Reale, Valgrisenche, e un intero Comune come Agàro, nell’Ossola. A raccontare queste storie pressoché dimenticate è il giornalista e scrittore Fabio Balocco nel suo recente saggio “Sotto l’acqua. Storie di invasi e di borghi sommersi” pubblicato da LAReditore.

    Balocco, perché ha scelto di raccontare queste storie?
    FB Tutto è iniziato con un’inchiesta per la rivista Alp (mensile specializzato in montagna e alpinismo, chiuso nel 2013, ndr) che feci a metà anni Novanta, incentrata proprio su queste storie dei borghi sommersi per produrre energia. Un fenomeno che caratterizzò soprattutto gli anni Venti e Trenta del Novecento per alimentare le industrie della pianura. Sono sempre stato attratto dalle storie “minime”, quelle dei perdenti, in questo caso le popolazioni alpine sacrificate appunto sull’altare dello sviluppo. È quella che io chiamo “la storia con la esse minuscola”. La nascita del libro è dovuta sia al fatto che siamo sulla soglia del secolo da quando iniziarono i primi lavori e sia dal ritorno nel dibattito politico del tema di nuovi invasi. Infine, penso sia necessario parlarne per ricordare che nessuna attività umana è esente da costi ambientali e talvolta anche sociali, come in questi casi che ho trattato.

    Nel libro afferma che l’idroelettrico ha portato ai primi conflitti nelle terre alte, tradendo la popolazione alpina. In che modo è successo?
    FB I grandi invasi per produzione di energia idroelettrica hanno segnato l’inizio della colonizzazione dei territori montani, che fino ad allora non erano stati intaccati dal punto di vista ambientale e sociale da parte del capitale della pianura. Queste opere costituirono l’inizio della colonizzazione di quelle che oggi vengono anche definite “terre alte”, colonizzazione che è proseguita soprattutto con gli impianti sciistici e le seconde case. Vale poi la pensa di sottolineare che almeno due invasi, quello di Ceresole Reale e quello di Beauregard, in Valgrisenche, comportarono la sommersione di due dei più suggestivi paesaggi delle Alpi occidentali.

    Che ruolo hanno avuto le dighe nello spopolamento delle terre alpine?
    FB È bene ricordare che nell’arco alpino occidentale lo spopolamento era già in atto agli inizi del Novecento in quanto spesso per gli abitanti delle vallate alpine era più facile trovare lavoro oltreconfine. Un caso esemplare è quello della migrazione verso la Francia che caratterizzò la Val Varaita, dove fu realizzato l’invaso di Pontechianale. Le dighe non contribuirono in modo diretto allo spopolamento ma causarono l’allontanamento di centinaia di persone dalle loro case che venivano sommerse dalle acque, e molti di questi espropriati non ricevettero neppure un compenso adeguato a comprare un nuovo alloggio, oppure persero tutto il denaro a causa dell’inflazione, come accadde a Osiglia, a seguito dello scoppio Seconda guerra mondiale. Queste popolazioni subirono passivamente le imposizioni, senza mettere in atto delle vere e proprie lotte anche se sapevano che avrebbero subito perdite enormi. Ci furono solo alcuni casi isolati di abitanti che furono portati via a forza. Questo a differenza di quanto avvenuto in Francia, a Tignes, negli anni Quaranta, dove dovette intervenire l’esercito per sgomberare la popolazione. Da noi il sentimento comune fu di rassegnazione.

    Un’altra caratteristica di queste storie è lo scarso preavviso.
    FB Tutto l’iter di approvazione di queste opere avvenne sotto traccia e gli abitanti lo vennero a sapere in modo indiretto, quasi di straforo. Semplicemente si accorgevano della presenza di “stranieri”, spesso tecnici venuti a effettuare lavori di prospezione, e solo con un passaparola successivo venivano a conoscenza dell’imminente costruzione della diga. Anche il tempo a loro lasciato per abbandonare le abitazioni fu di solito molto breve. Le imprese della pianura stavano realizzando degli interessi superiori e non erano interessate a informare adeguatamente le popolazioni coinvolte. Le opere furono realizzate da grandi imprese specializzate che si portavano dietro il loro personale. Si trattava di lavori spesso molto specialistici e solo per le mansioni di bassa manovalanza venne impegnata la popolazione locale. D’altra parte, questo incontro tra il personale delle imprese e i locali portò a conseguenze di carattere sociale in quanto i lavori durarono diversi anni e questa intrusione portò anche alla nascita di nuovi nuclei familiari.

    Differente è il caso di Badalucco, dove negli anni Sessanta gli abitanti riuscirono a opporsi alla costruzione della diga. In che modo?
    FB Badalucco è sempre un Comune alpino, sito in Valle Argentina, in provincia di Imperia e anche lì si voleva realizzare un grande invaso all’inizio degli anni Sessanta. Ma qui le cose andarono in maniera diversa, sicuramente anche perché nel 1959 c’era stata una grave tragedia in Francia quando la diga del Malpasset crollò provocando la morte di quasi 500 persone. A Badalucco ci fu quindi una vera e propria sollevazione popolare guidata dallo stesso sindaco del Comune, sollevazione che, anche attraverso scontri violenti, portò alla rinuncia da parte dell’impresa. L’Enel ha tentato di recuperare il progetto (seppure in forma ridotta) nei decenni successivi trovando però sempre a una forte opposizione locale, che dura tuttora.

    Il governo promette di realizzare nuove dighe e invasi. È una decisione sensata? Che effetti può avere sui territori montani?
    FB A parte i mini bacini per la produzione di neve artificiale nelle stazioni sciistiche, oggi vi sono due grandi filoni distinti: uno è il “vecchio” progetto “Mille dighe” voluto da Eni, Enel e Coldiretti con il supporto di Cassa depositi e prestiti, che consiste nella realizzazione di un gran numero di piccoli invasi a sostegno soprattutto dell’agricoltura, ma anche per la fornitura di acqua potabile. Poi vi sono invece i progetti di nuovi grandi sbarramenti, come quello previsto lungo il torrente Vanoi, tra Veneto e Trentino, o quelli di Combanera, in Val di Lanzo, e di Ingria, in Val Soana, in Piemonte. Come dicevo, oggi l’esigenza primaria non è tanto la produzione di elettricità quanto soprattutto l’irrigazione e, in minor misura, l’idropotabile. Si vogliono realizzare queste opere senza però affrontare i problemi delle perdite degli acquedotti (che spesso sono dei colabrodo) né il nostro modello di agricoltura. Ad esempio, la maggior parte dell’acqua utilizzata per i campi finisce in coltivazioni, come il mais, per produrre mangimi destinati agli allevamenti intensivi. Questo senza considerare gli impatti ambientali e territoriali che le nuove opere causerebbero. In buona sostanza, bisognerebbe ripensare il nostro modello di sviluppo prima di tornare a colonizzare nuovamente le terre alte.

    https://altreconomia.it/sotto-lacqua-le-storie-dimenticate-dei-borghi-alpini-sommersi-in-nome-d

    #montagne #Alpes #disparitions #progrès #villages #barrages #barrages_hydro-électriques #énergie_hydro-électrique #énergie #colonisation #industrialisation #histoire #histoires #disparition #terre_alte #Badalucco #Osiglia #Pontechianale #Ceresole_Reale #Valgrisenche #Agàro #Beauregard #Ceresole_Reale #Mille_dighe #Vanoi #Combanera #Ingria

    • Sotto l’acqua. Storie di invasi e di borghi sommersi

      Circa un secolo fa iniziò, nel nostro paese, il fenomeno dell’industrializzazione. Ma questo aveva bisogno della forza trainante dell’energia elettrica. Si pensò allora al potenziale rappresentato dagli innumerevoli corsi d’acqua che innervavano le valli alpine. Ed ecco la realizzazione di grandi bacini di accumulo per produrre quella che oggi chiamiamo energia pulita o rinnovabile. Ma qualsiasi azione dell’uomo sull’ambiente non è a costo zero e, nel caso dei grandi invasi idroelettrici, il costo fu anche e soprattutto rappresentato dal sacrificio di intere borgate o comuni che venivano sommersi dalle acque. Quest’opera racconta, tramite testimonianze, ricordi e fotografie, com’erano quei luoghi, seppur limitandosi all’arco alpino occidentale. Prima che se ne perda per sempre la memoria.

      https://www.ibs.it/sotto-acqua-storie-di-invasi-libro-fabio-balocco/e/9791255450597

      #livre

  • Carnets de villes – #Marseille
    https://metropolitiques.eu/Carnets-de-villes-Marseille.html

    Comment raconter l’histoire d’une ville en faisant coexister archives, observation et fiction ? Dans les quartiers nord de Marseille, l’historienne Christine Breton a mené un travail d’écriture collective autour de cette question, pendant une quinzaine d’années. Pour cette émission, elle est accompagnée par Alice Durot, dessinatrice, marcheuse et habitante de la ville. Émission : Carnets de villes Marseille est l’une des plus anciennes villes d’Europe ; elle se définit avant tout par sa relation à la #Podcasts

    / Marseille, #patrimoine, #histoire

  • Ancient Chinese Warfare
    https://www.worldhistory.org/trans/de/1-14420/kriegsfuhrung-im-alten-china

    Dans la Chine antique et classique la caste des guerriers figurait parmi les plus basses. Encore aujourd’hui contrairement à l’Europe après Clausewitz la guerre n’est pas considérée comme une moyen comme un autre pour atteindre ses buts politiques. Pourtant il est évident que la Chine de nos jours n’a jamais hésité à mener une guerre où cela lui a paru nécessaire. Enfin chaque nouvelle dynastie comme la Chine communiste ont accédé au pouvoir par des actes belliqueux.

    7.11.2017 definition by Mark Cartwright - In ancient China warfare was a means for one region to gain ascendancy over another, for the state to expand and protect its frontiers, and for usurpers to replace an existing dynasty of rulers. With armies consisting of tens of thousands of soldiers in the first millennium BCE and then hundreds of thousands in the first millennium CE, warfare became more technologically advanced and ever more destructive. Chariots gave way to cavalry, bows to crossbows and, eventually, artillery stones to gunpowder bombs. The Chinese intelligentsia may have frowned upon warfare and those who engaged in it and there were notable periods of relative peace but, as in most other ancient societies, for ordinary people it was difficult to escape the insatiable demands of war: either fight or die, be conscripted or enslaved, win somebody else’s possessions or lose all of one’s own.
    Attitudes to Warfare

    The Chinese bronze age saw a great deal of military competition between city-rulers eager to grab the riches of their neighbours, and there is no doubt that success in this endeavour legitimised reigns and increased the welfare of the victors and their people. Those who did not fight had their possessions taken, their dwellings destroyed and were usually either enslaved or killed. Indeed, much of China’s history thereafter involves wars between one state or another but it is also true that warfare was perhaps a little less glorified in ancient China than it was in other ancient societies.
    "No country has ever profited from protracted warfare” - Sun-Tzu.

    The absence of a glorification of war in China was largely due to the Confucian philosophy and its accompanying literature which stressed the importance of other matters of civil life. Military treatises were written but, otherwise, stirring tales of derring-do in battle and martial themes, in general, are all rarer in Chinese mythology, literature and art than in contemporary western cultures, for example. Even such famous works as Sun-Tzu’s The Art of War (5th century BCE) warned that, "No country has ever profited from protracted warfare” (Sawyer, 2007, 159). Generals and ambitious officers studied and memorised the literature on how to win at war but starting from the very top with the emperor, warfare was very often a policy of last resort. The Han Dynasty (206 BCE - 220 CE) was notable for its expansion, as were some Tang Dynasty emperors (618-907 CE) but, in the main, a strategy of paying off neighbours with vast tributes of silver and silk, along with a parallel exportation of “civilising” culture was seen as the best way to defend imperial China’s borders. Then, if war ultimately proved unavoidable, it was better to recruit foreign troops to get on with it.

    Kuan Ti - God of War
    Kuan Ti - God of War
    Mark Cartwright (CC BY-NC-SA)

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    Joining the intellectuals with their disapproval of warfare were also the bureaucrats who had no time for uncultured military men. No doubt, too, the vast majority of the Chinese peasantry were never that keen on war either for it was they who had to endure conscription, heavy taxes in kind to pay for costly campaigns, and have their farms invaded and plundered.

    With the emperors, the landed gentry, intellectuals and farmers all well-aware of what they could lose in war, it was, then, somewhat disappointing for them all that China, in any case, had just as many conflicts as anywhere else in the world in certain periods. One cannot ignore the common presence of fortifications in the bronze age, such chaotic centuries as the Autumn and Spring Period (722-481 BCE) with its one hundred plus rival states, the Warring States Period (481-221 BCE) with its incredible 358 separate conflicts or the fall of the Han when war was once again incessant between rival Chinese states. Northern steppe tribes were also constantly prodding and poking at China’s borders and emperors were not averse to the odd foreign folly such as attacking ancient Korea.
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    Weapons

    The great weapon of Chinese warfare throughout its history was the bow. The most common weapon of all, skill in its use was also the most esteemed. Employed since the Neolithic period, the composite version arrived during the Shang Dynasty (c. 1600-1046 BCE) and so became a much more useful and powerful component of an army’s attack strategy. Bowmen often opened up the battle proceedings by firing massed volleys into the enemy and then protected the flanks of the infantry as they advanced, or their rear when they retreated. Bowmen also rode in chariots and bows were the main weapon of cavalry.

    Perhaps the most distinctive and symbolic weapon of Chinese warfare was the crossbow. Introduced during the Warring States Period it set China apart as a nation capable of technical innovation and the training necessary to use it effectively. The Han used it to great effect against “barbarian” tribes to expand their empire, their disciplined crossbow corps even seeing off opposing cavalry units. As with bowmen, crossbowmen were usually stationed at the flanks of infantry units. Over the centuries new designs made the crossbow lighter, able to be cocked using one hand, fire multiple bolts and fire them further, more accurately and with more power than before. Artillery versions were developed which could be mounted on a swivel base. Apart from its potential as an offensive weapon, the crossbow became a much-used means of defending well-fortified cities.

    Qin Dynasty Crossbow
    Qin Dynasty Crossbow
    Deadkid dk (CC BY-SA)

    Swords only appeared relatively late on Chinese battlefields, probably from around 500 BCE, and never quite challenged the bow or crossbow as the prestige weapons of Chinese armies. Developing from long-bladed daggers and spearheads which were used for stabbing, the true sword was made from bronze and then, later, iron. During the Han period they became more effective with better metalworking techniques giving stronger blades with sharper cutting edges. Other weapons used by Chinese infantry included the ever-popular halberd (a mix of spear and axe), spears, javelins, daggers, and battle-axes.

    Artillery was present from the Han period when the first stone-throwing, single-armed catapults were used. They were probably mostly restricted to siege warfare but were employed by both attackers and defenders. The more powerful counter-weighted catapult was not used in China until the 13th century CE. Artillery fired stones, missiles made of metal or terracotta, incendiary bombs using naphtha oil of “Greek fire” (from the 10th century CE) and, from the Sung Dynasty (960-1279 BCE), bombs using gunpowder. The oldest text reference to gunpowder dates to 1044 CE while a silk banner describes its use in the 9th century CE (if its dating is accurate). Gunpowder was never fully exploited in ancient China and devices using it were restricted to missiles made with a soft casing of bamboo or paper which were designed to start fires on impact. The true bomb, which dispersed lethal fragments on explosion, was not seen until the 13th century CE.

    Warring States Helmet
    Warring States Helmet
    Gary Lee Todd (CC BY-SA)

    Armour

    With arrows and crossbow bolts becoming ever more lethal, it is no surprise that armour made leaps forward in design to better protect warriors. The earliest armour was undoubtedly the most impressive - tiger skins, for example - but also the least effective and by the Shang Dynasty hardened leather was being worn to cover the chest and back in a more serious effort to dampen and deflect blows. By the Zhou Dynasty (1046-256 BCE) more flexible armour tunics were being produced made of rectangles of tanned and lacquered leather or bronze linked together with hemp or riveted. Examples of this type can be seen in the Qin warriors of the Terracotta army of the 3rd century BCE. From the Han period, iron was used more and more in armour.
    Helmets & armour, on occasion, were decorated with plumes, engravings & paintings of fearsome creatures.

    Additional protection was provided by shields, the earliest being made only of bamboo or leather but then, like body armour, they began to incorporate metal elements. Helmets followed the same path of material evolution and usually protected the ears and back of the neck. Helmets and armour, on occasion, were decorated with plumes, engravings and paintings of fearsome creatures or beautified with additions in precious metal or ivory. Specialised armour developed for warriors in chariots who did not need to move so much and could wear full-length armoured coats. There was, too, heavy cavalry where the legs of the rider and the whole horse were protected.
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    Chariots & Cavalry

    Chariots were used in Chinese warfare from around 1250 BCE but were seen in the greatest numbers between the 8th and 5th century BCE. First as a commander’s status symbol and then as a useful shock weapon, the chariot usually carried a rider, bowman and spearman. They were very often deployed in groups of five. Pulled by two, three or four horses, they came in different versions - light and fast for moving troops around the battlefield, heavy bronze and armoured versions for punching holes in enemy ranks, those converted to carry fixed heavy crossbows, or even towered versions for commanders to better view the battle proceedings. The chariot corps could also pursue an army in retreat. Needing a wide area to turn and flat ground to function, the limitations of chariots meant they were eventually replaced by cavalry from the 4th century BCE onwards.

    Chinese Qin Chariot
    Chinese Qin Chariot
    Erwyn van der Meer (CC BY-NC-ND)

    Cavalry was probably an innovation from the northern steppe tribes which the Chinese realised offered much more speed and mobility than chariots. The problem was to acquire the skill not only to ride the horses but also to fire weapons from them when the saddle was not much more than a blanket and the stirrup had yet to be invented. For these reasons, it was not until the Han period that cavalry became an important component of a field army. Cavalry riders were armed with a bow, lance, sword or halberd. Like chariots, cavalry was used to protect the flanks and rear of infantry formations, as a shock weapon and as a means to harass an enemy on the move or conduct hit-and-run raids.
    Fortifications

    Surrounding a settlement with a protective ditch (sometimes flooded to make a moat) dates back to the 7th century BCE millennium BCE in China and the building of fortification walls using dried earth dates to the late Neolithic period. Siege warfare was not a common occurrence in China, though, until the Zhou Dynasty when warfare entailed the total destruction of the enemy as opposed to just their army. By the Han period, city walls were commonly raised to a height of up to six metres and made of compacted earth. Crenellations, towers and monumental gates were another addition to a city’s defence. Walls also became more weather resistant by covering the lower parts in stone to withstand local water sources being re-directed by an attacking force in order to undermine the wall. Another technique to strengthen walls was to mix in pottery sherds, plant material, branches and sand with the earth. Ditches up to 50 metres wide, often filled with water, and even a double ring of circuit wall were other techniques designed to ensure a city could withstand attack long enough for a relieving force to arrive from elsewhere.
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    The Great Wall of China
    The Great Wall of China
    Emily Mark (CC BY-SA)

    Not only cities but state frontiers were protected by high walls and watchtowers. The earliest may have been in the north from the 8th century BCE but the practice became a common one in the Warring States Period when many different powerful states vied for control of China. Most of these structures were dismantled by the victor state, what would become the Qin Dynasty from 221 BCE, but one wall was greatly expanded to become the Great Wall of China. Extended again by subsequent dynasties, the wall would eventually stretch some 5,000 km from Gansu province in the east to the Liaodong peninsula. The structure was not continuous but it did, for several centuries, help protect China’s northern frontier against invasion from nomadic steppe tribes.
    Organisation & Strategies

    China’s history is an extremely long one and each time period and dynasty saw its own practices and innovations in warfare. Still, some themes run through the history of warfare in China. Officers were often professionals (although they commonly inherited their status), ordinary troops were conscripts or captured soldiers; convicts could also be pressed into service. There were also volunteers, typically young men from noble families who joined as cavalrymen looking for adventure and glory. The organisation of an army in the field into three divisions had a long tradition. So, too, did the five-man unit, typically applied to infantry where squads were composed of two archers and three spearmen. By the Warring States period, an army was typically divided into five divisions, each represented by a flag which denoted its function:

    Red Bird - Vanguard
    Green Dragon - Left Wing
    White Tiger - Right Wing
    Black Tortoise - Rear Guard
    Great Bear Constellation - Commander & Bodyguard

    When the crossbow became more common troops proficient with that weapon often formed an elite corps and other specific units were used as shock troops to help out where needed or confuse the enemy. As already noted above, archers and cavalry protected the flanks of heavier infantry and chariots, when used, could fulfill the same function or bring up the rear. Such positions, which are described as ideals in the military treatises, are confirmed by the Terracotta Army of Shi Huangti. Flags, unit banners, drums and bells were used on the battlefield to better organise troops and deploy them in the manner the commander wished.

    Supporting the soldiers were dedicated officers responsible for logistics and supplying the army with the necessary food (millet, wheat and rice), water, firewood, fodder, equipment and shelter they needed while on campaign. Material was transported by river whenever possible and if not, on ox carts, horses and even wheelbarrows from the Han period onward. From the Warring States Period, and especially the Han period, portions of armies were set the task of farming so as to acquire the necessary vitals that foraging, confiscation from locals or capture from the enemy could not supply. The establishment of garrisons with their own food production and improvements in supply roads and canals also went a long way to lengthening the time an army could effectively stay in the field.

    Full-on infantry battles, cavalry skirmishes, reconnaissance, espionage, subterfuge, and ambush were all present in Chinese warfare. Much was made of gentlemanly etiquette in war during the Shang and Zhou periods but this was likely an invention of later writers or at best an exaggeration. Certainly, when warfare became more mobile and the stakes made higher from the 4th century BCE, a commander was expected to win with and by any means at his disposal.

    One final theme which runs through much of China’s history is the use of expert diviners who could study omens, observe the movement and position of celestial bodies, gauge the meaning of natural phenomena and consult calendars all in order to determine the most auspicious time and place to engage in warfare. Without these considerations, it was believed, the best weapons, men and tactics would not be enough to bring final victory.

    Did you like this definition?

    Di Cosmo, N. Military Culture in Imperial China. Harvard University Press, 2011.
    Dillon, M. China. Routledge, 1998.
    Feng, L. Early China. Cambridge University Press, 2013.
    Lewis, M.E. The Early Chinese Empires. Belknap Press: An Imprint of Harvard University Press, 2010.
    Peers, C.J. Ancient Chinese Armies, 1500 B.C.-200 B.C. Osprey Publishing; edition (1990-03-22), 2017.
    Peers, C.J. Soldiers of the Dragon. Osprey Publishing, 2006.
    Sawyer, R.D. Ancient Chinese Warfare. Basic Books, 2011.
    Sawyer, R.D. The Seven Military Classics Of Ancient China. Basic Books, 2007.

    Mark Cartwright

    Mark is a full-time writer, researcher, historian, and editor. Special interests include art, architecture, and discovering the ideas that all civilizations share. He holds an MA in Political Philosophy and is the WHE Publishing Director.

    Translations : German

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    APA Style

    Cartwright, M. (2017, November 07). Ancient Chinese Warfare. World History Encyclopedia. Retrieved from https://www.worldhistory.org/Chinese_Warfare
    Chicago Style

    Cartwright, Mark. “Ancient Chinese Warfare.” World History Encyclopedia. Last modified November 07, 2017. https://www.worldhistory.org/Chinese_Warfare.
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    771 BCE
    Following nomadic attacks in the west, the Chinese Zhou dynasty moves its capital east to Luoyang. Beginning of Eastern Zhou Period.
    c. 481 BCE - 221 BCE
    Warring States Period in China.
    278 BCE
    The Qin state captures Ying, the capital of the Chu state.
    262 BCE - 260 BCE
    The Battle of Changping, one of the most important battles in the Warring States Period in China between Zhao and Qin.
    256 BCE
    The army of the state of Qin captures the city of Chengzhou and the last Zhou ruler, King Nan, is killed. End of the Zhou Dynasty.
    230 BCE - 221 BCE
    King Ying Zheng of Qin defeats the other warring states, claims Mandate of Heaven to rule China.
    c. 221 BCE
    Construction of Northern Frontier wall by Shi Huangdi, First Emperor of China, precursor to Great Wall.
    c. 218 BCE
    Construction of the Great Wall of China is initiated.
    210 BCE
    First Emperor of China Shi Huangdi dies, buried with army of 8,000 terracotta warriors in palace tomb.
    202 BCE
    The Battle of Gaixia, Chu forces defeated by the Han.
    117 BCE - 100 BCE
    Han emperors extend the western part of the Great Wall of China.
    109 BCE
    Chinese Han Empire conquers the kingdom of Tien.
    108 BCE
    Wiman Joseon is conquered by the Han dynasty.
    104 BCE - 101 BCE
    The War of the Heavenly Horses, general Li Guangli forces the city of Da Yuan (Alexandria Eschate) into tributary status.
    23 CE
    The sack of Chang’an, imperial capital of China.
    189 CE
    Luoyang, the Han capital, is sacked by the Chinese warlord Dong Zhuo.
    304 CE
    The nomadic Xiongu break through the Great Wall of China.
    612 CE
    Goguryeo general Eulji Mundeok wins a great victory against the Chinese Sui at the battle of the Salsu River.
    640 CE - 649 CE
    Taizong’s military campaigns in the Tarim Basin which is annexed to China.
    644 CE
    A Goguryeo army defeats a combined Silla and Tang army.
    660 CE
    The Baekje kingdom in Korea falls to a joint Silla and Chinese Tang Dynasty army and naval attack.
    661 CE
    A Tang Dynasty army unsuccessfully besieges the Goguryeo capital of Pyongyang.
    668 CE
    The Goguryeo kingdom of northern Korea collapses following an attack by the Tang Dynasty of China.
    675 CE
    A Silla army defeats a Tang force at the battles of Maesosong.
    676 CE
    A Silla army defeats a Tang force at the battle of Kibolpo, thus gaining control of the whole Korean peninsula.
    732 CE
    Balhae attacks by sea the Chinese port of Dengzhou.
    843 CE
    The Tang empire attacks and kills 10,000 Uyghur tribespeople in Inner Mongolia.
    1004 CE
    Treaty of Shanyuan which brings peace between the Liao dynasty and Song dynasty of China with the latter compelled to pay annual tribute.
    1044 CE
    Defeat to the Xia state results in China’s Song dynasty paying tribute.
    1125 CE
    The Jin state attacks Song China.
    1125 CE
    The Jurchen Jin state invades Song China necessitating the latter to move south and form the Southern Song dynasty.
    1141 CE
    A peace treaty is signed betwwen the (southern) Song Dynasty and Jin state.
    1273 CE
    Xiangyang falls into Mongol hands.
    1275 CE - 1279 CE
    The Mongols led by Kublai Khan attack and conquer the last remnants of Song China.

    #Chine #histoire #antiquité# guerre #stratégie

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